Timothy McVeigh. We’ve been told so much about him, the Oklahoma City bombing, and what it meant for America. But what if it’s all a lie? Join us today for this special Corbett Report podcastumentary as we examine the multiple trucks, multiple bombs, government informants, faked executions and other pieces of information suggesting that McVeigh was not a “lone wolf bomber” at all but a sheepdipped special forces operative working for the government, exactly as he claimed.
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TRANSCRIPT AND SOURCES:
[NOTE: A French translation of this podcast is available in the subtitles of the YouTube post.]
JAMES CORBETT: Timothy McVeigh. The Oklahoma City bomber. The “face of American terrorism.” The face of evil.
On the morning of April 19, 1995, the Alfred P. Murrah Building was torn apart by explosions, killing 168. Office workers. Passersby. Children in the building’s day care centre. Horrified, a nation in grief turned to the authorities for answers.
Now, 20 years after that tragic day, we all know the story the public was told:
NEWS REPORTER: “Less than a week away now from the 20th anniversary of the Oklahoma City bombing. It’s still the largest act of domestic terrorism our countries ever seen.”
NARRATOR: “At approximately 8:40 in the morning of April 19th, 1995, a slow-moving Ryder truck was seen near the Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building in Oklahoma City.
NEWS REPORTER: “A Ryder truck loaded with a diesel fuel and fertiliser bomb, blew up next to Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building, cutting it in half. 168 people, including 19 children it’s in daycare centre, died.”
NEWS REPORTER: “There you see, as the building was just simply cut away by this huge explosion.”
NEWS REPORTER: “Collapsed into a shifting house of cards. Pulling at the rubble they sometimes wonder whether they’re tugging the piece that holds it all up.”
NEWS REPORTER: “The nation-wide search for suspects in the Oklahoma City bombing…”
NARRATOR: “The government has claimed that McVeigh was alone. Terry Nichols was also later arrested and convicted as an accomplice.”
NEWS REPORTER: “The plot was said be an attempt to avenge the deaths of about 80 people in the government siege at the Branch Dividian compound in Waco, Texas, exactly 2 years earlier.”
And that story quickly centered on one man:
NARRATOR: “Timothy James McVeigh was born on April 23rd, 1968, in Pendleton, New York.”
INTERVIEWEE: “Tim, in his neighbourhood got to be pretty well known for being kind of an attention getter, an out-going type kid.”
NARRATOR: “For Timothy McVeigh, guns would become a life-long passion.”
NARRATOR: “McVeigh’s decision to join the army in 1988 comes after high-school and a series of dead-end jobs. With his love of guns, this is a natural fit for him.”
NARRATOR: “He and his unit, part of the 1st infantry division The Big Red One, we’re sent to the Gulf and were in place, ready for war, by January 1991. When the war ended his unit was part of the security force signed to guard General Norman Schwarzkopf in Saudi Arabia.”
ED BRADLEY: “McVeigh says several keys events caused him to, in his words ‘snap’. Beginning in 1992 when federal agents killed the wife and young child of white supremacist Randy Weaver during a stand-off at Ruby Ridge, Idaho. His hostility towards the U.S. government solidified 8 months during another stand-off. This one at Waco, Texas. At one point during the 51-day siege, McVeigh traveled to Waco to witness events first hand and he happened to be video-taped there by a local news crew.”
(Source: The Execution of Timothy McVeigh 60 Minutes – no longer available online)
NARRATOR: “A call for an imminent war with the government spreads to cell groups across the far-right. Timothy McVeigh also becomes convinced by this time. Shortly thereafter he writes Michael and Laurie Fourtier, telling them that he wanted to ‘take action against the government’. He then enlists the help of his old army buddy Terry Nichols.
He then rents a Ryder truck under the alias Robert Kling. The next morning, April 18th, he drives to a storage unit in Harrington. When Nichols arrives, the two load the bomb materials onto the truck and drive to nearby Geary Lake. There they spend the morning assembling the bomb.
At dawn he continues driving to Oklahoma City. The Regency Towers security cameras photograph McVeigh’s Ryder truck passing-by on his way to the Murrah Building.”
JANET RENO: “One of the individuals believed to be responsible for Wednesday’s terrible attack on the Murrah Federal Building in Oklahoma City, has been arrested.”
SHEPHARD SMITH: “A highway patrol officer pulled over Timothy McVeigh less than 2 hours after the bombing for a missing license plate.”
(Source: 20 Years After Oklahoma City Bombing (video no longer online))
NEWS REPORTERS: “In 1997, McVeigh was found guilty on 11 federal counts of murder and conspiracy. He was sentenced to death and executed in 2001.”
Timothy McVeigh. We’ve been told so much about him. What he did. Why he did it. What it meant for America. But how much of it is true?
For 20 years a handful of tireless researchers have been working to expose the lies surrounding the legend of Timothy McVeigh, the lone wolf terrorist mastermind. And what they have uncovered has been remarkable. These researchers are not isolated cranks, but US Air Force weapons experts, Oklahoma State Representatives, FBI whistleblowers, government informants, attorneys, eyewitnesses, veteran journalists and many others whose direct experience contradicts the narrative of the OKC bombing that we have been told. But perhaps the most compelling contradiction of the official story comes from McVeigh himself.
According to the official account, McVeigh had set his sights early on in his military career in joining the Special Forces, and it was the frustration of not achieving that goal that caused him to quit the forces suddenly and unexpectedly in 1991:
NARRATOR: “During his stay at Fort Riley, Kansas in 1991, McVeigh had been selected to tryout for the Special Forces. The exclusive ‘Green Berets’, his dream assignment in the military.”
LAWRENCE MYERS: “And trained extensively for it, doing hundreds of push-ups and hundreds of sit-ups everyday. Carrying hundreds of pounds of gear 13 – 15 miles a day to get himself in the physical condition for the course. The Gulf War changed that for him.”
NARRATOR: “Sergeant Timothy McVeigh was awarded the bronze star for valour and the combat infantry badge for his part in the fighting. When the war ended his unit was part of the security force signed to guard General Norman Schwarzkopf in Saudi Arabia. Suddenly he was told to return to the United States. His long-desired wish to try out for the Special Forces, his revered ‘Green Berets’, had finally become a reality.”
SHEFFIELD ANDERSON: “He was getting everything ready, he was happy, he was excited, he getting things moving because he was going to the Special Forces.”
NARRATOR: “One week later, Sergeant Timothy McVeigh was at Fort Bragg, North Carolina undergoing the strenuous Special Forces tryout. But he was not the soldier he had been before the war in the Gulf.”
LAWRENCE MYERS: “After living in the desert for 4 months, he was physically drained particularly (because of) the desert conditions. His equipment was wore out.”
BRANDON STICKNEY: “One of the tests was for him to carry a 45 pound sack with him on a long journey. He was wearing new boots, his ankles were aching. His body and mind were physically out of shape.”
LAWRENCE MYERS: “His feet were blistered, his ankle was sprained.”
NARRATOR: “At that point, McVeigh knew he could not pass the physically gruelling Special Forces tests. It was the most devastating thing that ever happened to him.”
LAWRENCE MYERS: ‘And he sent a written notice to the CAP supervisor, a voluntary statement of withdrawal that reads: “I am not physically ready.”
KENNETH STERN: “It was his first failure in the military and his buddies saw a really altered McVeigh when he returned from that experience. He was somebody who had succeeded in everything in the military before, now he had failed and he seemed somewhat embittered and soured.”
(Source: Timothy McVeigh Biography Documentary)
But in a letter to his sister in October 1993, published in the New York Times in 1998, McVeigh tells a very different story:
“‘Why would Tim, (characteristically non-drinker), super-successful in the Army (Private to Sergeant in 2 yrs.) (Top Gun) (Bronze Star) (accepted into Special Forces), all of a sudden come home, party HARD, and, just like that, announce he was not only ‘disillusioned’ by SF [the special forces], but was, in fact, leaving the service?’
He goes on to answer:
“Now here’s what led to my current life: It all revolves around my arrival at Ft. Bragg for Special Forces. We all took intelligence, psychological, adeptness, and a whole battery of other tests. (Out of a group of 400). One day in formation, ten (10) Social Security numbers were called out (no names) and told to leave formation. Mine was one.
“The 10 of us were told that out of the select group of 400, we had scored highest on certain tests. We had been selected because of our intelligence, physical make-up[…], and physical abilities. We were to feel special, part of a hand-picked group). . . .
“We were all asked to ”volunteer” (talk about peer pressure!) to do some ”work for the government on the domestic, as well as international, front.. . .
“What I learned next, both from the briefings, and from the questions and private talks included:
“1.) We would be helping the CIA fly drugs into the U.S. to fund many covert operations;
“2.) Military ”consultants” were to work hand-in-hand w/civilian police agencies to ”quiet” anyone whom was deemed a ”security risk.” (We would be gov’t-paid assassins!)”
How did the New York Times address these startling claims in a feature length article on the letter? A single, parenthetical remark:
“(The Government has always denied such activities.)”
This is a remarkable claim to be sure, but the question should not be whether or not this version of events has ‘always been denied’ in an unattributed way by an unidentified representative of an unidentified government agency, but whether or not there are facts to back up the claim.
So what evidence can we find in the public record that would shed light on the question of whether or not McVeigh was, in fact, still in the military at the time he wrote the letter? And, if such information exists, how does it change the story of the Oklahoma City Bombing?
Firstly, it makes sense to ask whether or not such a claim is even possible. Does the military engage such task forces of undercover operatives to carry out off-the-record missions? The answer to that question is “yes.”
That answer comes from a number of sources, including Colonel L. Fletcher Prouty. As a colonel in the U.S. Air Force and Chief of Special Operations for the Joint Chiefs of Staff, Prouty worked from 1955 to 1964 as the liaison procuring military supplies, equipment and logistics support for CIA special operations worldwide. In his 1973 tell-all, The Secret Team, Prouty discussed the inner workings of America’s intelligence community, noting:
“‘Sheep-dipped’ is an intricate Army-devised process by which a man who is in the service as a full career soldier or officer agrees to go through all the legal and official motions of resigning from the service. Then, rather than actually being released, his records are pulled from the Army personnel files and transferred to a special Army intelligence file. Substitute but nonetheless real-appearing records are then processed, and the man ‘leaves’ the service. He is encouraged to write to friends and give a cover reason why he got out. He goes to his bank and charge card services and changes his status to civilian, and does the hundreds of other official and personal things that any man would do if he really had gotten out of the service. Meanwhile, his real Army records are kept in secrecy, but not forgotten.”
This tactic was used, for example, in Project Heavy Green during the U.S. military participation in Vietnam in the 1960s. Restricted from deploying troops in Laos by the 1962 Geneva accords, forty-eight Air Force personnel were instead sheep-dipped and deployed in Laos as “civilian employees” of Lockheed to service a bombing radar installation there.
But was McVeigh sheep dipped? By its very definition this process is designed to be hidden from public view. Under such an operation, McVeigh’s resignation, paper work, even his personal life would all look exactly as it should if he had genuinely been discharged from the military. Even more frustratingly, the sources of information that could potentially prove that McVeigh was in fact sheep dipped are being deliberately kept from the public.
Take the testimony of Terry Nichols. He is serving an unprecedented 161 consecutive life sentences for his part in the bombing at ADX Florence, a supermax prison in Colorado where he shares a cell block with Ramzi Yousef and Ted Kaczynski. In 2007 he provided a sworn deposition to attorney Jesse Trentadue where he stated: “In December of 1992, Timothy McVeigh told me that while he was serving in the U.S. Army, he had been recruited to carry out undercover missions.”
McVeigh again told the same story to one of his fellow inmates on death row, David Paul Hammer.
DAVID PAUL HAMMER: “Ah, McVeigh told me and another inmate here that he was actually an agent working for a guy called ‘The Major’ and he met this, allegedly met this man, when he reported for special trainings duty. He was told to wash out his special training and was asked to accept what was called ‘Black Ops Operations’ and he would be working as an independent person and he would recruit people to be in his unit.
According to McVeigh, this association went on for several years from the end of 1993, ah excuse me, 1992, throughout the date of the bombing of the Murrah Building on April 19th, 1995.”
Unsurprisingly, perhaps, the federal government has made it as difficult as possible for the general public to access this information or find out more about these claims.
After granting the interview discussing McVeigh’s military connections, Hammer was placed on lock down and even prevented from contacting his attorneys. After receiving Nichols’ sworn declaration that McVeigh was an undercover army operative, attorney Jesse Trentadue was prevented from gaining access to depose Nichols by a federal judge. The judge in McVeigh’s own case also placed sensitive documents obtained by the defense during discovery under seal, documents that the producer of Oklahoma City bombing documentary “A Noble Lie” claims prove these connections.
JAMES CORBETT: “So perhaps we can start with just laying out the parts of the record that we can all agree on about Timothy McVeigh and his background.
CHRIS EMERY: Well, he actually served in the U.S. Army. He was on the security detail for General Schwarzkopf, at the time the Supreme Commander of the Allied Forces in the first Persian Gulf War back in 1990. He was a sharpshooter, a sniper, and he was commended actually when he was in custody at the Denver Federal Courthouse awaiting trail, the army had to award his two medal of commendation for his stellar service. As far the Special Forces, well it’s still murky, we weren’t able to find any documentation to support the fact that he did work Special Forces but we do know that was an employed by the CIA. He was a drug-smuggler and professional assassin. This was in the two years leading up too the devastation of April 19th, 1995.
We also know that he was on a joint-task force with the ATF and the FBI, tried to recruit people to help him blow federal buildings in seven different cities around the United States.
JAMES CORBETT: What you have just said will be stunning to those who have only heard the mainstream narrative of McVeigh. So let’s talk about those pieces of evidence that document what you are talking about.
CHRIS EMERY: We were able to go through the defense council records. Stephen Jones was very generous in giving us access to those records. They’re stored at a particular institution on the campus of UT Austin and through the hard work of Wendy Painting, one of our key researchers. Oddly enough she was born and raised less than an hour from where McVeigh was raised in upstate New York. But she had paid several visits to Austin and was able to access these records. The curator of the institutions was very kind to us as a film crew and I had the honor of actually joining her for about the 2 and a half, 3 months she was done there off and on of the course of 9 months. I joined her for 3 days and saw what she was going through and the records. I mean, this is what the defense council through a discovery process was able to put together.
Unfortunately the trial only last 3 and a half weeks, so they weren’t able to present a lot of this evidence. And it was by the efforts of Judge Matsch, who was the presiding judge, he put a lot of these records under seal. It was never allowed to present to the jury. The prosecution wasn’t ever aware of the records. So it was a very stunted and a very unfortunate set of events on that short trial.”
So what does this evidence amount to? Are these claims true? Until McVeigh’s full defense records are unsealed or witnesses like Nichols and Hammer are deposed and their testimony investigated by a grand jury, researchers will have to rely on evidence in the public record to corroborate these claims and arrive at a better understanding of the bombing and McVeigh’s role in it.
We do know that in August of 1993, director Bill Bean recorded some footage of Camp Grafton, a National Guard training center that provided explosives and demolitions training, while scouting locations for a film shoot. While filming at the center, one and a half years after McVeigh’s supposed discharge from the Army, Bean had an encounter with a man he now firmly believes to have been McVeigh.
BILL BEAN: “So what’s your job?
TIMOTHY MCVEIGH: What was that?
BILL BEAN: What’s your job?
TIMOTHY MCVEIGH: Oh, I’m a parts clerk.
BILL BEAN: You’re just parking this one huh?
TIMOTHY MCVEIGH: Yeah, basically.”
BILL BEAN:”Hi my name is Bill Bean, I work in the film industry. On August 3rd, 1993 I was at Camp Grafton, North Dakota. Camp Grafton is a military training academy for the United States Army, the army reserve and the National Guard. The reason I was there was too scout locations for a film project I was working on. I was given a tour of the base, designated by Colonel. Dohl.
We were by the motor pool and there were a large group of tanks that were parked there. I saw 2 soldiers parking an armored vehicle. I asked the billeting director if I could go over and interview the soldiers. So I walked over to the armored vehicle, it had a port-hole in the back. I entered inside. The solider who had been driving the vehicle was closing the hatch in the front when he turned around, he looked at me and he froze. I had my video camera running at I said to him ‘What’s your job?’ And he looked at me and he said ‘What?’ I said ‘What’s your job?’ He says ‘I’m nobody, I’m just a parts clerk.’
On August 3rd, 1993 is when I videotaped and interviewed Timothy McVeigh and year and a half after he was supposedly out of the military completely.”
BILL BEAN: “So what’s your job?
TIMOTHY MCVEIGH: What’s that?
BILL BEAN: What’s your job?
TIMOTHY MCVEIGH: Oh, I’m a parts clerk, I just…
BILL BEAN: Oh you just parking this one huh?
TIMOTHY MCVEIGH: Yeah, basically.”
(Source: FMR – Bill Bean Interview)
Was McVeigh involved in explosives training at Camp Grafton after his supposed discharge? Camp Grafton denies that McVeigh was ever present on base, but beyond the physical resemblance to McVeigh, Professor Michael Blomgren of the University of Utah conducted a voice analysis of the tape and found an 86% match between the person speaking on the tape and audio of McVeigh’s interview on 60 Minutes.
BILL BEAN: “I ended up going to Professor Blomgren of the University of Utah, who was in the speech pathology department. He did a voice forensics test. He did various computer and scientific tests on it and did human voice analysis tests also.
His final report to me was that we would that he would testify in a court of law that this is Timothy McVeigh. He had compared it to a 60 minutes interview and found a near perfect, near exact match.”
(Source: FMR – Bill Bean Interview)
This footage is possible corroboration of McVeigh’s story, but it is only that: possible corroboration. What else can we find in the public record that helps to back up this fantastic tale of McVeigh as a sheep-dipped special forces operative?
Let’s start by examining Nichols’ declaration. In it, Nichols, fearing for the safety of his family, notes:
“I cannot possibly discuss in this declaration all the information I have concerning the Oklahoma City bombing and others involved. But crucial parts of this terrorist act remain hidden from the American people — especially the identities of the ‘Others Unknown,’ who collaborated with McVeigh in the bombing.”
Nichols goes on to reveal the name of one of these collaborators. After noting McVeigh seemed “upset and angry” in learning about a “change in targets for the bombing” Nichols writes that “in what I believe was an accidental slip of the tongue, McVeigh revealed the identity of a high-ranking FBI official who was apparently directing McVeigh in the bomb plot. The name McVeigh let slip was Larry Potts – lead FBI agent at Ruby Ridge.” According to Nichols, McVeigh was furious with Potts for “changing the script” on the bombing and, presumably, targeting the Murrah Building.
So who is Larry Potts?
Larry Potts was described as the Bureau’s “fastest rising star” in the early 1990s, and as such was in the center of the Bureau’s two most controversial incidents of that time, the Ruby Ridge shootout in which Vicki Weaver and her 14 year old son were killed by federal agents, and the Waco standoff that ended with federal agents burning down the Branch Davidian compound, killing 76 men, women and children. In May of 1995, directly after the Oklahoma City bombing, he was promoted to Deputy Director of the FBI where he was chief operating officer in charge of hundreds of criminal investigations. He was also the lead investigator on the bombing of the Murrah building.
So do we have any evidence that the FBI participated in a cover up of the OKC investigation? The answer is such a resounding yes that even high-ranking FBI officials have alleged just such a cover up.
DANNY COULSON: “We know there were 24 people that were interviewed by the FBI, that said they saw Mr. McVeigh on April 19th with someone else. They had no reason to make it up, they didn’t have a dog in the fight, they didn’t have any reason to just make something up. They told the agents exactly what they saw and the agents wrote it down. If only one person had seen it, or two or three…but 24! 24 people say ‘yes I saw him with somebody else’, that’s pretty powerful.”
(Source: Oklahoma Bomb – The Conspiracy Files)
That Danny Coulson, the man in charge of the FBI’s collection of evidence from the Oklahoma City bombing, is himself alleging a cover up is significant.
As Coulson points out, in the immediate wake of the bombing the largest manhunt in the history of the bureau was launched to find the two men who were reported as having rented and driven the Ryder truck to its destination. John Doe No. 1 was soon identified as McVeigh, but John Doe No. 2, his accomplice, remained at large.
NARRATOR: “Who is John Doe #2 and where is he? Employees at the truck rental business in Kansas that also helped with the sketch of a man who they say was with McVeigh. A square-jawed suspect with a tattoo on his left arm. Authorities made a second and then a third sketch of John Doe 2 based on a description from a Oklahoma City man who says he gave McVeigh and John Doe 2 directions to NorthWest Fifth and Harvey, the Murrah Building, 30 minutes before the bombing.
NEWS REPORTER: So he pulls up and then what, gets out of the truck?
WITNESS: No, he pulls up and I go up to the truck, went to see what he needed. He said he was kinda lost a little bit, said he was looking for Fifth & Harvey, the words he gave me, he did not distinct the building, the Murrah Building or nothing like that. He just asked me what direction Fifth & Harvey was. I kinda tried to explain it to him verbally and he seemed a little confused by the way I was explaining it to him. So at that time he got out of the truck and I kinda walked him about 3 or 4 feet from where we were standing and pointed it out to him, the direction where it was.”
NEWS REPORTER: “Now all these accounts share a common and unsettling similarity. The witnesses say they saw several accomplices including the infamous John Doe #2. ATF officials tell us the elusive John Doe is still part of this case but will not comment any further. However, they did tell us that there’s a lot about this case that we don’t know yet. Information you can’t find in the indictments against Timothy McVeigh, Terry Nichols and Michael Fourtier.”
FBI AGENT: “The 1st man is of medium-build with a light-brow crew cut and he is right-handed.”
NARRATOR: McVeigh is identified as the mystery man John Doe 1 and arrested.
FBI AGENT: The 2nd man is also of medium-build. He’s further described at 5ft 9in to 5ft 10in tall. With brown hair and tattoo visible on his left arm.
NARRATOR: What happens next is conspiracists dream.
JANET RENO: John Doe #2 remains at large. He should be considered armed and extremely dangerous.
NARRATOR: But 2 months later, the FBI calls off the search. The official line is ‘John Doe 2 doesn’t exist’.”
(Source: Oklahoma Bomb – The Conspiracy Files)
Why was the manhunt called off? Why were 24 separate eyewitnesses along the Ryder truck’s route that morning dismissed as having imagined John Doe 2’s existence? Is it because even more damning evidence, evidence that might reveal his real identity, was about to emerge?
NEWS REPORTER: “It was just hours after the bombing when the news channel told you about the possibility that surveillance camera may have captured the explosion and the killers on tape. Our sources and the sources for the LA Times describe what’s actually on those tapes.
The information shows some huge surprises. The biggest, that it may have been John Do #2, not Timothy McVeigh, who detonated the bomb. Brad Edwards has the latest on the investigation and this exclusive News Channel report.
BRAD EDWARDS: Our new information comes directly from a source that has seen parts of those surveillance tapes. It also comes from reports now in the Los Angeles Times but perhaps the biggest surprise is contained in the News Channels’ own information:
Timothy McVeigh was not the last person to leave the Ryder truck, in fact another man sat inside the cab of the truck after McVeigh got out. We believe that man is John Doe #2. A man, for all we know is still on the loose. Leaving open a vital question. Was it John Doe #2 who actually set off the bomb not Timothy McVeigh as we’ve all been lead to believe?
News Channel 4 has for weeks been demanding copies of a surveillance tape from the FBI. The federal government so far is dragging it’s feet. But many people in the investigation have seen the tapes and now, so has a source willing to describe to the News Channel what the tapes show.
The LA Times report shows there was a surveillance camera near the corner of 5th and Harvey and another near the corner of 5th and Robinson. Federal investigators recreated the time sequence leading up to the bombing, by matching the video and still photos from the surveillance cameras.
Since we can’t show you the tape ourselves, we’re reenacting what our sources says he saw on those tapes. As witnesses told the News Channel before, the tapes show the Ryder truck parked in front of the Murrah Building where we know now the blast went off. As witnesses also told us, the tapes show 2 men sitting inside the Ryder truck. A man strongly resembling Timothy McVeigh gets out of the drivers side, steps down, he then appears to have dropped something on the step up into the truck. He bends down and appears to pick something up off the step. Then, he turns and walks directly across 5th street towards the Journal Record Building. All this time, John Doe #2 is still inside the Ryder trucks cab sitting on the passenger side.
Time passes, the surveillance tape is time-lapsed photography. Without knowing exactly the time interval between shots, our source can’t be sure how long John Doe #2 sat in that cab. What was he doing all that time?
Then the tape shows John Doe #2 getting out of the passengers side of the Ryder truck. Again, the tape shows what a bombing witness accurately described what happened next to News Channel 4.
WITNESS: I was standing in the building and looked out to the window and I seen the Ryder truck and I seen a man get out of the Ryder truck.
BEN EDWARDS: The tape shows John Doe #2 getting out, shutting the passengers side door. He steps toward the front of the truck and is momentarily out of the frame of the surveillance camera. But shortly he appears back in frame, walking towards the rear of the truck still on the sidewalk in front of the Murrah Building. Again, he turns east towards the front of the truck looking towards the street. John Doe #2 then walks diagonally across 5th street towards the east as if heading towards the YMCA or the intersection of 5th and Robinson. He again leaves the frame of the camera. Another camera shooting from another angle clearly shows the actual explosion that destroyed the Federal Building and killed 169 people.”
(Source: Oklahoma City Bombing Federal Surveillance Tapes Coverup | Time Reference TBA)
In any normal trial, the footage of the defendant at the scene of the crime with the alleged murder weapon would be the centerpiece of the trial. But this was no ordinary trial. Not only did the FBI never produce the surveillance footage at the trial, they never released it at all. Despite multiple sworn affidavits showing that the tapes exist, that they show John Doe No. 2, and that the cameras were removed from the scene by the FBI on the day of the bombing, they have still never been shown to the public. After a years-long court case that continues to this very day, the FBI claim that they have searched their records for the tape, but they just can’t find it.
So why is the FBI so concerned about keeping this footage from the public? It shows two things which could completely change our understanding of what happened on April 19, 1995. The first is the possibility that the Ryder truck bomb was not the only bomb at the Murrah Building that day.
NEWS REPORTER: “The 1st bomb that was in the Federal Building did go off. It did the damage that you see right there. The 2nd explosive was found and defused. The 3rd explosive that was found and they are working on as we speak as I understand. Both the 2nd and 3rd explosives, if you can imagine this, were larger than the 1st.
NEWS REPORTER: …fact that they have found a 2nd explosive device of some kind inside this building.
NEWS REPORTER: Justice Department is reporting that a 2nd explosive device has been found…
NEWS REPORTER: One device was deactivated, currently there currently there’s another device…
MIKE ARNETT: That in fact 2 explosive devices were found in addition to the one that went off…
NEWS REPORTER: 2nd bomb to the east-side of that building. A bomb squad is on the scene…
INTERVIEWEE: The medical teams downtown are unable to get into the wreckage to retrieve more of the injured because of the presence of other bombs in the area.
NEWS REPORTER: I just took a look down the street at the Murrah Building again, I see another bomb truck going so apparently they’re going to try to get out that 3rd bomb that’s been talked about.”
(Source: Oklahoma City Bombing RARE footage)
As retired US Air Force Brigadier General Ben Partin noted in an exhaustive report in the wake of the bombing, the evidence is conclusive that the Ryder truck bomb could not have accounted for the damage done to the Murrah Building.
GENERAL BENJAMIN PARTIN: “I went to a 2 year graduate program…(inaudible)… of armament engineering graduates. It was the first that was ever set up and after that I worked at the ballistics research laboratories at Aberdeen which was 2 years of hands on work designing, developing continuous rod warheads for the…(inaudible)…and other weapons systems.
Well the truck bomb, even though it was fairly massive, it was somewhat removed from some of the structures that were damaged. It clearly has something what you call brisance damage, where the blast pressure was way above what you would expect to get from the truck, at distance.
CHRIS EMERY: Brisance damage is that caused by an explosive whose blast wave is powerful enough to shatter and destroy the material affected. The problem with the failed columns at the Murrah Building, is at that distance the air blast from an ANFO bomb would’ve been 10 times less powerful than what was needed to dissolve the concrete and cut the rebar. Those columns, had they failed due to air blast, should’ve broken with sharp chunks of concrete connected by rebar. Not sheered off at critical points. Brisance damage indicates contact explosives placed directly on the beams.
Even more perplexing is the total collapse of column B3 which caused the floors on the east side to pancake onto one another. The building was gutted to within feet of the other side. Column B4, closer to the truck bomb is completely intact. Yet we are supposed to believe that a blast wave traveled through B4, leaving the sheetrock almost untouched and completely destroyed the column farther away. And most of the front columns were destroyed when the supporting header beam failed, but the cause of failure supposedly being air blast should’ve thrown it into the building. Instead, it fell straight down and rolled towards the crater.
General Partins’ report was conclusive. The Murrah Federal Building was not destroyed by one sole truck bomb. A major factor in it’s destruction appears to have been detonation of explosives carefully placed at 4 critical junctures on supporting columns within the building.
Many independent experts concurred with the Partin report. Sam Cohen, inventor of the neutron bomb, issued this statement: “I believe that the demolitions charges in the building, that were placed inside at certain key concrete columns, did the primary to the Murrah Federal Building. it would have been absolutely impossible, and against the laws of nature, for a truck full of fertilizer and oil… no matter how much used… to bring the building down.”
The FBI put all their weight behind the lone bomber theory and tailored the evidence to fit that scenario. Dr. Frederick Whitehurst, a supervisor at the FBI crime lab, turned whistle-blower over the Bureau‘s handling of the evidence in the Oklahoma City bombing.
REPORTER: …release a report today condemning the FBI crime lab for mishandling evidence and for slanting it analysis. The report is expected to specifically criticize the labs’ handling of the Oklahoma City and World Trade Center bombing cases. It was the allegations of FBI whistle-blower Frederick Whitehurst that sparked that investigation.
CHRIS EMERY: Forced to resign, Dr. Whitehurst testified in Terry Nichols trial, that a fellow FBI chemist had changed his findings and lied under oath after meeting with federal prosecutors. The Office of the Inspector General, or OIG, investigated Whitehursts’ charges and issued a report which concluded that the FBI crime lab had improperly identified the characteristics of ANFO, the weight of the bomb, the detonation system and even what kind of explosive was used.”
(Source: A Noble Lie)
But perhaps even more importantly, the missing surveillance tapes from the Murrah Building threaten to reveal the identity of John Doe Number 2. And as it turns out, there is every reason to believe that the missing accomplice in the case is, exactly as McVeigh himself alleged, a government informant, agent or operative.
Documents obtained under the Freedom of Information Act over the past decade have exposed a long-classified FBI operation from the early 1990s. This operation, dubbed “PATCON” for “Patriot Conspiracy,” involved FBI infiltration of the militia movement, including the very circles that McVeigh himself, model soldier and special forces recruit, was now moving in.
Attorney Jesse Trentadue has been one of the most outspoken voices about the PATCON operation and how it relates to the events in Oklahoma City.
JESSE TRENTADUE: “As I pursued this over the last 16 years and lots of lawsuits and fights with the FBI. I stumbled across an operation that the FBI called PATCON. P-A-T-C-O-N.
PATCON was an acronym for Patriot Conspiracy and the FBI began to distance itself from PATCON when I was probing. And they said it was just a simple operation where they were going to infiltrate some militia folks in Alabama, who had stolen some night-vision goggles from a military base and were selling them.
But it was clear to me that PATCON was bigger than that, much much bigger and there were PATCON operations going on all over the country. They referred to them as PATCON Group 1, PATCON Group 2, PATCON Group 3.
INTERVIEWER: PATCON meaning, that’s the FBI’s name for their wide-scale, you say, investigation and infiltration of the radical right in the early-mid 1990’s.
JESSE TRENTADUE: It went, apparently it went on throughout the 90’s because here last summer I received a phone call from a fellow who said that ‘I’ve been seeing what’s being posted on the internet from your FOIA lawsuits with the FBI’. He said, ‘You have all the pieces but you just haven’t put them together’. And I said, ‘What do you mean?’ And he said, ‘Well, you just don’t see the picture’, and so he came to see me and I directed him to Newsweek magazine and too some other reporters. He had been one of the top undercover operatives for the FBI in PATCON, for almost 10 years. He had infiltrated some 23 groups.
He started out believing it was the right thing, he wasn’t ya know, so many of these informants are people who are caught in the act of committing a crime and are forced to go undercover for the FBI. He did it voluntarily because he thought these hate groups, what the(y) described to him as hate groups, were dangerous.
In hindsight he said looked back on it and he sees now that the agenda, the agenda was too infiltrate and insight the militia movement, the right-wing Christian movement to violence. So that the Justice Department could crush them. He said that Ruby Ridge was a PATCON operation. He said that Waco was a PATCON operation. He believed that Oklahoma City was but he wasn’t involved in it but he did say that other members of the PATCON group were involved in Oklahoma City.”
At the center of the many threads of this operation was “Elohim City,” a white supremacist compound in Oklahoma whose “chief of security” was the enigmatic Andreas Strassmeir, son of former German chancellor Helmut Kohl’s Chief of Staff and a former lieutenant in the German army with military intelligence training.
JAMES CORBETT: “… and we have another angle of this as well from Carol Howe. Are you familiar with her case?
CHRIS EMERY: She was actually hired by the ATF to infiltrate the compound in Elohim City which was in eastern Oklahoma, almost right on the Arkansas border. Which she, they gave her ordinance, they gave her pipe bomb material, everything, to just find out if the people within Elohim City were capable of actually doing something such as the Oklahoma City bombing and come to find out that there was ATF and FBI informants that she didn’t even know about. So it was really an odd mix of informants and not communicating with each other, catastrophic breakdown in communication.”
CAROL HOWE: “I gave them warnings, targets, specific targets, addresses of targets, names of targets. I know of too many people that were talking about that building, talking about Oklahoma City, talking about doing something on that date using a truck bomb.”
(Source: Oklahoma Bomb – The Conspiracy Files)
NARRATOR: “In a report to the ATF in December, Howe reveals that Strassmeir planned to forcibly act to destroy the U.S. government with assassinations, mass-shooting and bombings.
CAROL HOW (audio recording): He said he wanted to go and blow up federal buildings. I mean just point black he said that what he’d like to be out there doing.”
Jane Graham, an eyewitness who worked in the Murrah Building, observed Strassmeir in the building the week before the bombing, going over blueprints and carrying what looked to be the components for C4 explosives and detonators.
CHRIS EMERY: “As alleged in David Hoffman’s book The Oklahoma City Bombing and the Politics of Terror, Strassmeir first aroused suspicion that he was an undercover operative when he was caught in Texas entering a federal building at night with a key code. Did he have access to the Murrah Building also?
CRAIG ROBERTS: When we interviewed Jane Graham, who is a survivor, she said that when she went to work, either the day before or 2 days before I don’t remember which, she parked in the basement parking and when she got out of her car and was walking across the parking garage. She saw 3 guys down there wearing coveralls and placing putty on the columns and stringing wire between the putty. Later, she picks out one of the guys from photographs and says ‘that’s him’ and it was Andrew Strassmeir.
JANE GRAHAM: Strassmeir was there, listening, going over the plans. He was listening to everything, what they were talking about, looking at place(s), pointing too things. But when they we’re talking, whatever they happened to finally be talking about and when I was looking at him at that point that he left and went over to the other side of the building so I wouldn’t keep watching him.
The second man that was there, who appeared to be military, he’s the one, that man in charge told to put the stuff back in the car. The second man obviously was taking orders from the first man because he had wire in his hands, which I thought was telephone wire it’s that real light color thin wire, and he also had what appeared to be grey putty.
CRAIG ROBERTS: Well that’s exactly how you string composition C4 with det cord.
(Source: A Noble Lie)
Despite all of this evidence, Strassmeir was never interviewed by the FBI as part of their Oklahoma City investigation before he fled the country and returned to Germany.
This is just one of many examples of seeming foreknowledge of the attack that have since been covered up or suppressed by the FBI and the ATF.
ROGER CHARLES: “The government has claimed that they had absolutely no prior warning and yet we start off with the interesting little episode where two Air Force bomb squad guys, and these are very special Air Force bomb squad guys that we know were cleared to work for Presidential security, VIP security and so on. They were ordered from Kirtland Air Force Base in New Mexico to Oklahoma City arriving on Monday the 17th of April, 2 days before the bombing. Their orders were to go to a motel and wait there until contacted by the FBI.
I had become aware of this information in 1997, developed some confirming information but the key was that in the summer of 2001, two journalists had separate conversations with one of the individuals, one of the two individuals on this bomb squad team. He admitted he was there when asked in separate conversations by both journalists. ‘Why he was there?’ He responded ‘You’ll have to ask the FBI’.”
INTERVIEWEE: “There was this fairly large truck with a trailer behind it and it had a shield on the side of the door and it said Bomb Disposal or Bomb Squad below it.
20/20 REPORTER: Authorities now claim in federal investigative reports, that the huge ominous truck with it’s trailer was being used by deputy to run routine errands.
Other documents obtained by 20/20 show that someone called the Executive Secretariats Office at the Justice Department in Washington and said ‘The Murrah Building had been bombed but this was 24 minutes before the blast. No action was apparently taken.”
(Source: A Noble Lie)
NEWS REPORTER: “Yet another witness, a rescue worker says after she talked with an agent at the bombing scene she also suspected the ATF was warned and agents stayed away from their office that morning.
WITNESS: I asked him if his office was in the building and he said ‘Yes’ and I asked if there were any ATF agents that were still in the building and he said ‘No, we weren’t here.’
NEWS REPORTER: Witness #1 approached an ATF agent nearby. He claims he asked the agent what had happened and witness #1 says this is what they agent told him.
WITNESS #1: He started getting a little bit nervous, he tried reaching somebody on a 2-way radio. (He) couldn’t get anybody and I told him I wanted an answer right then. He said they were in debriefing and the agents hadn’t been in there, they’d been tipped by their pagers not to come in to work that day. Plain as day out of his mouth. They were tipped, why wasn’t anybody else?”
(Source: OKLAHOMA CITY BOMBING – THE CONSPIRACY)
Any one of these indications of foreknowledge of the blast would be incredible enough. Taken together, they provide corroboration of the thesis that the government in fact had informants in the plot and were allowing it to go ahead.
But more startling by far than all of these accusations is the case of Dipole Might. Dipole Might was an ATF project “to familiarize BATF agents with truck bomb debris patterns and to calibrate the effect of vehicular explosions on a variety of materials and structures.” Beginning in 1994, the Bureau conducted a series of experiments at the White Sands Missile Range in New Mexico, blowing up vehicles with C4 and ANFO explosives and analyzing the blasts to gauge the effect of terrorist bombings on government buildings.
Even more incredible, pictures emerged in 1997 of a Ryder truck parked at Camp Gruber Training Center in Oklahoma. The source of the image, who feared for his safety and requested anonymity, asserted that the images were taken in early April of 1995, just two weeks before the bombing. The National Guard did eventually confirm that the images were authentic and that the Ryder truck’s presence at the camp was related to a “weapons sensor” project connected with the Defense Advanced Research Project Agency, but issued a statement insisting that this Ryder truck and the weapons project it was associated with “had no association whatsoever with the tragedy at the Alfred P. Murrah Building.”
Could this be the other Ryder truck that witnesses reported seeing at Lake Geary several days before Timothy McVeigh and Terry Nichols arrived to construct their bomb?
CHRIS EMERY: “The official narrative dictates that Tim McVeigh alone rented the Ryder truck in Junction City, Kansas on April 17, 2 days before the bombing. He and Terry Nichols supposedly constructed the bomb on April 18th. But the bulk of eyewitness accounts assert that the Ryder truck was at Geary lake several days before that.
JAMES SERGEANT: I retired April 11th, 1995 and after finishing up that morning I decided to stop by here and fish at Geary State Lake. Right in this general area here that I was fishing from, the pier or jetty. And I stayed here most of the afternoon fishing, of course with no luck. Later on that afternoon I had decided to maybe go back over this way over here to the other point back there and see if I’d have any luck. I noticed a Ryder truck over there.
I was sitting at home one day and my wife came in from work and she said she had been stopped at a road-block up here at Geary Lake in reference to the Oklahoma City Bombing and the making of the bomb here at Geary State Lake with a Ryder truck. And I said well I had told you about the Ryder truck I had seen there before this and that’s how I became aware of it. The next thing I knew, she told the ATF and FBI the people at the road-block what I had seen and before I knew it my house was swarming with agents.”
(Source: A Noble Lie)
Multiple trucks. Multiple bombs. Government informants. Prior warnings. PATCON. John Doe Number 2. Andreas Strassmeir. The indications of government participation and cover up in the bombing itself continue to mount and mount. And they paint a very different picture of McVeigh than that of the lone wolf bomber that the government and media have spent 20 years asking us to believe in.
But why? If there was government complicity in the plot to blow up the Murrah Building, why would this be so? What would the government stand to gain from this?
Firstly, PATCON gained its objective of discrediting militias, gun rights groups, and those concerned about governmental overreach once and for all in the mind of the American public.
PHIL DONAHUE: “The United States of America they believe the the United States government is prepared to usurp the Constitution and break down doors and confiscate guns. Am I lying to these people Bob Fletcher and Jim Trochman?
JOHN TROCHMANN: John Trochman.
PHIL DONAHUE: John sorry, it says John here. You believe this?
JOHN TROCHMANN: No not quite like that. Not the U.S. government.
PHIL DONAHUE: Which government, the one world government?
JOHN TROCHMANN: Yes sir.
PHIL DONAHUE: The United Nations?
JOHN TROCHMANN: Yes sir.
PHIL DONAHUE: And you’re in the woods now and you’re not, neither of you…
JOHN TROCHMANN: No.
PHIL DONAHUE: You’re not in the woods?
JOHN TROCHMANN: No no no.
PHIL DONAHUE: You’re from Montana, the city of Noxon.
JOHN TROCHMANN: Yes sir, the little town of Noxon.
PHIL DONAHUE: 350 people.
JOHN TROCHMANN: Maximum.
PHIL DONAHUE: Are you’re living in the woods?
JOHN TROCHMANN: No, we’re not.
PHIL DONAHUE: No, you’re not. Is anybody in Montana?
JOHN TROCHMANN: Just their plain homes.
PHIL DONAHUE: You’re sitting next to Ray Southwell who does from Michigan. You’re living, you gather in the woods don’t you, in Michigan?
RAY SOUTHWELL: When we train?
PHIL DONAHUE: Yeah.
RAY SOUTHWELL: That’s correct.
PHIL DONAHUE: But you’re not living there?
RAY SOUTHWELL: I don’t quite understand when you say living there. I live in Northern Michigan and I have 20 acres that I live on and there’s a house there.
PHIL DONAHUE: Right.
Secondly, an ATF that had suffered a severe backlash from its mishandling of events at Ruby Ridge and Waco, could win public support and sympathy by parading as the victim of anti-government crazies.
Thirdly, it provided new life to the Omnibus Counterterrorism Act of 1995, a controversial bill introduced by Joe Biden two months before the bombing that would have given police broad new powers to use secret sources and secret evidence in terrorism proceedings. Widely denounced as an affront to civil liberties, the bill was languishing in committee. But all that changed on April 19, 1995. The very day after the blast at the Murrah Building the New York Times wrote about the bill that “after the Oklahoma City bombing, there are few surer legislative bets in Washington.” The legislation morphed into the Antiterrorism and Effective Death Penalty Act of 1996 and was passed the next year, with President Clinton specifically linking the bill to the bombing in his signing statement. Years later, Biden claimed that his original bill was the core of what eventually became the PATRIOT Act.
Fourthly, the bombing also conveniently destroyed a number of documents that were proving to be problematic for the Clinton administration. Documents that had all somehow or other ended up being housed at the Murrah Building in Oklahoma City in April of 1995.
CRAIG ROBERTS: “Day 1, hour 2 of the bombing the most significant event that happened is when they said found other bombs in the building. The second most significant event is when they moved everybody back and held them back there were still people alive trapped in the building but they came in with 2 trucks and backed them up to the Murrah Building and a bunch of these guys dressed in blue jackets with no letters on the back started taking boxes of files out and started putting them on this truck.
DON BROWNING: We were told by a blonde female agent that there were files so serious to the government that until the files were located there would not be any recovery effort.
V.Z. LAWTON: If you remember the Whitewater investigation in Arkansas, all of the paperwork was stored in the Murrah Building. They had FBI just over in the fields to the west of the Murrah Building just picking up paper almost all day long.
CRAIG ROBERTS: And it was during this time that early in the investigation I started receiving some various phone calls. One of them was a phone call from Little Rock, Arkansas, the guy said that he was a federal agent he was not an FBI agent he was not ATF but what he did say was during their investigation of the Clintons all the drug-running that through Mena, Arkansas, Lasaters’ Ranch and all of that stuff that was going on during the time of Iran-Contra that those records when Clinton went to Washington were transferred there to the Murrah Building.”
(Source: A Noble Lie)
But what about McVeigh? What was his role in all of this? Criminal mastermind? Convenient patsy? Unwitting dupe? Or sheep-dipped operative, exactly as he claimed to be?
It’s at this point that most such investigations would end, with the narrator metaphorically shrugging his shoulders and suggesting that the secrets of the bombing might have gone to the grave with McVeigh himself. But this is not such a story.
In fact, there are reasons to believe that McVeigh never actually went to the grave at all.
DAVID PAUL HAMMER: “He told us many time he would vacillate on this issue from time to time but his main thing was that was he not gonna be executed that ‘The Major’ was gonna have someone infiltrate the execution team and that he would be given drugs that would feign the appearance of death but, and he says the CIA and other people use these drugs and that they would be taken out and he would be given some kind of medication that would counteract the other and that he would be rewarded for serving his country. It sounds a little bit far-fetched but I mean I’ve talked to several people who witnessed the execution including Janie Coverdale and she doesn’t know one way or another whether Tim was executed. He was covered up from toe to neck couldn’t see any IV lines running into his veins and so she clearly says that she doesn’t know if he was executed or not, and she watched him. So, I don’t know if Tim McVeigh is dead.”
McVeigh spent much of his time on death row fighting for a very unusual request: to not have an autopsy performed on his body after his execution. Autopsies are standard procedures after federal executions and would have been performed on McVeigh, but the request was granted.
During the execution itself, one of the eyewitnesses, Susan Carlson of WLS-AM radio, reported Mcveigh “appeared to be still breathing or what appeared to be shallow breathing, even after being pronounced dead, and his eyes remained open.”
After the execution, prison officials admitted to using a decoy to throw the public off the trail of McVeigh, who was ostensibly transported to a local funeral home and cremated before his ashes were turned over to his attorneys.
Perhaps it’s appropriate in a sick way that we don’t even have closure on this, the one part of the OKC bombing story that even the most incredulous have long believed was unquestionable. After all, the only constant in the case is that at every turn the government has lied about what they know, withheld evidence and otherwise kept the public in the dark about what really happened that day.
Meanwhile those brave few who have sought to shed light on these issues or just gotten caught up in the story have ended up with their lives transformed, their reputations shattered and, in some cases, have lost their lives. All in maintenance of this mystery:
Who is Timothy McVeigh?
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